How social organizations participate in social governance in China: Official media's attention distribution analysis (1949-2021).

The attitude of the Chinese government towards social organizations (SOs) is crucial, as it affects the management rule and development tendency of SOs. To research the rule of SOs' participation in social governance in China, this study used a new historical perspective, the institutional development perspective, to conduct its exploration. This perspective provides an accurate measure of the reality of the SOs' participation, as it involves a mixed research methodology using continuous data from 73 years of reports and content mining, as well as topic clustering analysis to reveal a macroscopic and multi-line picture. Using a co-word analysis of hundreds of reports, from 1949-2021, in the People's Daily, an official newspaper of the Communist Party of China, this study quantified changes in intensity, emotion, and content regarding social organization participation in social governance through topic distribution. Three trends were revealed: (1) "social-oriented character" and "organized-oriented character" were identified during the change in SOs; (2) the extent of being managed gradually strengthened and shifted from the Communist Youth League of China to the Community Party of China; (3) the goals of SOs shifted from general to innovated function in special charitable organizations. The institutional development perspective can complement the focus event perspective, including a new method, co-word analysis, to examine official Chinese media and validate the Administrative Absorption of Society (AAS) theory by identifying two lines of topic clustering trends. The attention distribution analysis in official media from an institutional development perspective can help explore the role of official media reports in analyzing the allocation of national attention and provide new analytical methods for big data mining to establish the social and organizational natures of SOs to optimize their roles. It offers a basis for modern social governance policy innovation in China.

Donald Trump e o fascismo: uma análise inspirada na teoria crítica / Donald Trump and fascism: an analysis inspired by critical theory / Donald Trump y el fascismo: un análisis inspirado en la teoría crítica / Donald Trump et le fascisme: une analyse inspirée de la théorie critique

Resumo A atuação de Donald Trump durante o período em que esteve na presidência dos Estados Unidos suscita a investigação de possíveis semelhanças entre ele e líderes fascistas do passado. A proposta deste ensaio é apresentar reflexões sobre a atuação política de Trump, inspiradas pelas discussões sobre a psicologia e a propaganda fascista na teoria crítica. Embora pareça impossível tomar Trump por um líder fascista clássico, principalmente em razão de contextos históricos muito diferentes, também é impossível desconsiderar o nexo entre suas estratégias políticas e o modus operandi de agitadores fascistas no século XX. Além disso, é inegável que sua política mobiliza elementos sociopsicológicos que remontam às análises da emergência do fascismo histórico, como a identificação com uma figura idealizada e transcendente, a submissão a uma autoridade ou causa superior e a agressividade direcionada às ameaças do out-group.

Abstract Donald Trump's actions during his presidency calls for an investigation regarding possible similarities between him and fascist leaders of the past. This essay is reflects on Trump's political actions inspired by discussions on fascist psychology and propaganda within Critical Theory. Although Trump may escape the category of a classic fascist leader, mainly due to the different historical contexts, the similarities between his political strategies and those of 20th-century fascist agitators is undeniable. Moreover, his politics mobilize socio-psychological elements that date back to the emergence of historical fascism, such as identification with an idealized and transcendent identity, submission to a superior authority or cause, and aggressiveness directed to out-group threats.

Resumen La actuación de Donald Trump durante el período en el que fue presidente de los Estados Unidos plantea la posibilidad de investigar posibles similitudes entre los líderes fascistas del pasado y él. El propósito de este ensayo es presentar reflexiones sobre la actuación política de Trump inspiradas en discusiones sobre psicología y propaganda fascista en teoría crítica. Si bien parece imposible ver a Trump como un líder fascista clásico, principalmente debido a contextos históricos muy diferentes, también es imposible ignorar el nexo entre sus estrategias políticas y el modus operandi de los agitadores fascistas en el siglo XX. Además, es innegable que su política moviliza elementos sociopsicológicos que se remontan al análisis del surgimiento del fascismo histórico, como la identificación con una identidad idealizada y trascendente, la sumisión a una autoridad o causa superior, y agresividad dirigida a amenazas del out-group.

Résumé Les actions de Donald Trump au cours de sa présidence appellent une enquête sur les similitudes possibles entre lui et les leaders fascistes du passé. Cet essai réfléchit aux actions politiques de Trump en s'inspirant des discussions sur la psychologie et la propagande fasciste au sein de la Théorie Critique. Bien que Trump puisse échapper à la catégorie de leader fasciste classique, principalement en raison de contextes historiques très différents, les similitudes entre ses stratégies politiques et celles des agitateurs fascistes du XXe siècle sont indéniable. En outre, sa politique mobilise des éléments socio-psychologiques qui remontent à l'émergence du fascisme historique, tels que l'identification à une identité idéalisée et transcendante, la soumission à une autorité ou à une cause supérieure, et l'agressivité dirigées vers les menaces du out-group.

Machine-learning analysis of leadership formation in China to parse the roles of loyalty and institutional norms.

A thriving cottage industry has long tried to predict the selection outcomes of the Chinese leadership using qualitative judgments based on historical trends and elite interviews. This study contributes to the discourse by adopting machine-learning techniques to quantitatively and systematically evaluate the promotion prospects of Chinese high-ranking officials. By incorporating over 250 individual features of approximately 20,000 high-ranking positions from 1982 to 2020, this paper calculated predicted probabilities of promotion for the 19th Politburo members of the Communist Party of China. The rankings of the promotion probabilities can be used not only to identify candidates who would have traditionally advanced within the party's promotion norms but also to gauge Xi Jinping's personal favoritism toward specific individuals. Based on different specifications for positions and periods, we developed measurements to quantify candidates' levels of perceived loyalty and promotion eligibility. The empirical results demonstrated that the newly formed 20th Politburo Standing Committee was predominantly composed of loyalists who would not have risen to such positions under conventional promotion standards. We further found that, even within his circle of known allies, Xi Jinping did not opt for candidates with strong credentials. The findings of this study underscore the increasing emphasis on loyalty and the diminishing role of institutional norms in China's high-ranking selections.

[The reception of Freudo-Marxism in the Spain of late Francoism and the Transition, 1975-1978]. / La recepción del freudomarxismo en la España del tardofranquismo y de la Transición, 1975-1978.

Our objective is to show the roots of Freudo-Marxism as a specific form of contact between Marxism and psychoanalysis in the Spain of late Francoism and the Transition (1975-1978). We analyze the relevance of the term "Freudo-Marxism", its differences with Argentine militant psychoanalysis influential in social currents of psychoanalysis in Spain, and the historical review of the movement carried out by a relevant figure for Spanish psychology such as Antonio Caparrós i Benedicto. Finally, we address the relative reception of the work of Wilhelm Reich through the dissemination effort of Ramón García and the figure of Carlos Frigola, Eva Reich's apprentice and creator of the Reich Foundation.

Nuestro objetivo es mostrar el arraigo que tuvo el freudomarxismo, como forma específica de contacto entre marxismo y psicoanálisis, en la España del franquismo tardío y de la Transición (1975-1978). Analizamos la pertinencia del término "freudomarxismo", sus diferencias con un psicoanálisis militante argentino influyente en corrientes sociales del psicoanálisis en España, y la revisión histórica del movimiento que realiza una figura relevante para la psicología española como es Antonio Caparrós i Benedicto. Finalmente abordamos la acogida relativa de la obra de Wilhelm Reich a través del esfuerzo de difusión de Ramón García y de la figura de Carlos Frigola, aprendiz de Eva Reich y creador de la Fundación Reich.

The Role of Marx's Theory of Belief Psychological Identification in Improving Sports Efficiency / El papel de la teoría de la identificación psicológica de las creencias de Marx en la mejora de la eficiencia deportiva

China has entered a new phase of constructing a peaceful communist society, and the role of sports is also evolving. Sports are becoming increasingly integrated into daily life. This study examines the significance of Marx's theory of psychological identification in enhancing sports performance. The articles are sorted using the literature approach and the mathematical statistics method, and an empirical examination of the status of Marxism belief in sports universities is undertaken. This research examines the influence of psychological identity intervention on athletes' Marxist theory beliefs and sports performance using two athletes as volunteers. The results indicate that the two athletes' level of psychological identification with Marxian theory beliefs has increased. The dimensions of observation, non-evaluation, and non-response are enhanced, while the dimensions of description and conscious performance remain relatively unchanged. Athletes' self-evaluations also verify the intervention's effectiveness. It is determined that enhancing the education of Marxist views in sports student groups is a major component of the civic education of college sports students, which is intimately tied to the development of the national socialist cause and the nation's future.(AU)

The Role of Marxist Critical Thought of Legal Philosophy in the Construction of Students' Sports Psychology / El papel del pensamiento crítico marxista de la filosofía jurídica en la construcción de la psicología del deporte de los estudiantes

Objective: As the basketball level rises, the paradox that the theoretical research of psychological tactics lags behind practice becomes more pronounced. This study is undertaken to enhance the pupils' psychological tactics training and scientific level. This study's primary purpose is to examine the effect of long-term training and competition on basketball players' propensity for critical thinking. Methods: The author blends pertinent critical thinking theories from Marxist legal theory with psychological and tactical elements. Using literature, expert interviews, surveys, and quantitative statistics, the importance of critical thinking in the psychological and tactical application process is explored from the standpoint of information gathering, processing, and decision selection and application. Using SPSS17.0, the studied data and pertinent data were obtained. Results: Based on the CUBA Chinese University Basketball Association's test of the critical thinking tendency, it can be determined that basketball players have developed some elements of the critical thinking tendency after long-term training and competition. Conclusion: In the context of modern basketball's evolution, the cognitive ability of decision-makers has a significant impact on decision-making. To attain scientific and rational decision-making in the current competitive climate, decision-makers must possess high decision-making thinking skills. Basketball players have a solid training foundation in critical thinking.(AU)

The effects of sociocultural changes on epistemic thinking across three generations in Romania.

When people experience abrupt social change, from less education to more, from less technology use to more, from a homogeneous to a heterogeneous social environment, can their epistemic thinking adapt? When divergent opinions suddenly come to be valued, does epistemic thinking shift from absolute to more relativistic? We investigate whether and how these sociocultural shifts have produced changes in epistemic thinking in Romania, a country that fell from communism and started democracy in 1989. Our 147 participants were from Timisoara and fell into three groups, each experiencing the shift at a different point in their development: (i) born in 1989 or later, experiencing capitalism and democracy throughout life (N = 51); (ii) 15- to 25-years-old in 1989 when communism fell (N = 52); (iii) 45 or older in 1989 when communism fell (N = 44). As hypothesized, absolutist thinking was less frequent and evaluativist thinking, a relativistic epistemological mode, was more frequent the earlier in life a cohort was exposed to the post-communist environment in Romania. As predicted, younger cohorts experienced greater exposure to education, social media, and international travel. Greater exposure to education and social media were significant factors in the decline of absolutist thinking and the rise of evaluativist thinking across the generations.

The institutional origins of vaccines distrust: Evidence from former-Soviet countries.

How is vaccines scepticism related to the exposure to Soviet communism? Using individual level evidence on vaccine trust with regards to its efficiency and safety in 122 countries that differ in their exposure to communism, we document that past exposure to Soviet communism is associated with lower trust in vaccination. We show that exposure to socio-political regimes can negatively affect trust in vaccines, which is explained by weak trust in both government and medical advice from doctors as well as in people from the neighbourhood. These results suggest that roots of vaccine scepticism lie in a wider distrust in public and state institutions resulting from the exposure to Soviet communism.

The COVID-19 curtain: Can past communist regimes explain the vaccination divide in Europe?

As of December 2021, all former Communist countries from Central and Eastern Europe were still lagging behind in terms of COVID-19 vaccination rates in Europe. Can institutional legacy explain, at least in part, this heterogeneity in vaccination decisions across Europe? To study this question we exploit novel data from the second wave of the SHARE (Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe) COVID-19 Survey fielded in Summer (2021) that covers older individuals in 27 European countries. First, we document lower COVID-19 vaccine take-up amongst those who were born under Communism in Europe. Next, we turn to reunified Germany to get closer to a causal effect of having lived behind the Iron Curtain. We find that exposure to the Communist regime in East Germany decreased one's probability to get vaccinated against COVID-19 by 8 percentage points and increased that of refusing the vaccine by 4 percentage points. Both effects are large and statistically significant, and they hold when controlling for individual socio-economic and demographic characteristics. We explore several possible mechanisms. The East-West Germany gap does not seem to be explained by differences in the impact of the first wave of the pandemic or in general exposure to vaccines. We find that East Germans have lower social capital than West Germans and that social capital correlates negatively with Covid-10 vaccine uptake, but only a small fraction of the East-West Germany Covid-19 vaccination gap can be explained by our measures of social capital.

"Down with fascism, up with science": Activist psychologists in the U.S., 1932-1941.

At the height of the Depression, more psychologists in the U.S. were awarded degrees than could find jobs. Master's level graduates were particularly affected, holding positions that were tenuous, and they rejected second-class membership offered by the American Psychological Association. In response to this employment crisis, two Columbia University MA graduates created The Psychological Exchange, a journal that offered graduates and established colleagues a forum for news, job ads, and for discussing the expansion of psychology to address problems of the Depression. This article describes the Exchange and its unique window into psychologists debating how to reshape their field. In 1934, it was used by young Marxists to launch The Psychologists' League, which agitated for colleagues who lost their jobs, tried to make research socially relevant, and connected with movements for the "social reconstruction" of society. It raised the consciousness of its members and sympathizers by linking to worldwide antifascist struggles while fighting antisemitism and nativism at home. While previous accounts make the League seem a spontaneous eruption, this article shows how members of the Communist Party created it, then controlled its agenda and activities. During the Stalin-Hitler pact they followed Stalin's anti-war ideology and the League became a shell organization. Its members, nonetheless, creatively mixed psychological concepts and political ideology, drawing in colleagues through discussion groups, demonstrations, and social events. Sources for this work include unpublished correspondence, a diary, and Federal Bureau of Investigation files that reveal more complex lives than previously portrayed. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2023 APA, all rights reserved).

Maszyny Matematyczne, women, and computing: The birth of computers in the Polish communist era.

The history of computing usually focuses on achievements in Western universities and research centers and is mostly about what happened in the United States and Great Britain. However, in Eastern Europe, particularly in war-torn Poland, where there was very little state funding, many highly original hardware and software projects were initiated. The small number of publications available to us, especially those in English, led to the belief that technological progress was the result of research carried out in Western countries alone. This article aims to fill this knowledge gap by focusing on the numerous research projects initiated in Polish universities and computer industries that unfortunately turned into dead ends as the result of socialist policies. These are references that cannot be ignored, not only for a historical reconstruction of the evolution of technology but also with regard to the social effects recorded in Poland immediately after the Second World War. The communist ideology, which pursued gender equality policies after the end of the war, encouraged women to pursue education, enabling the many female students enrolled in mathematics degree courses to specialize in "Maszyny Matematyczne" (mathematical machines) and become, like men, experts in computer programming and design. As well as highlighting the role that Poland played in the nascent "computer science" and providing detailed information on what women contributed, this article will explain why the success of the Polish computer industry was limited due to the nonexistent coordination between the communist states (Comecon).

A brief history of Romanian psychology.

The evolution of Romanian psychology followed several stages, similarly to other countries in Eastern Europe, yet with its own particularities. The first psychology institutes were introduced by former students of Wilhelm Wundt, and the field saw a rapid development, with distinguished scholars making relevant scientific contributions. However, after the communist regime was enforced, psychology stagnated somewhat due to ideological, financial, and political reasons, and, in 1977, it was even removed from academia. After 1989, psychology revived in academia and research, and as a profession as well. This article summarizes the evolution of Romanian psychology through these stages, focusing on its postcommunist revival.

Revival of psychology in former Czechoslovakia and the contemporary Czech Republic after the fall of Totalitarian communist regimes.

After the general societal and political change in November 1989 in Czechoslovakia, the subject "History of Psychology" became the stable component of curriculum of studying psychology at the Department of Psychology of Faculty of Arts of Charles University in Prague. The author of this paper has taught "History of Psychology" in Czech since 1998 for more than 20 years all students of psychology and he is teaching this subject the students of ERASMUS+ program from whole Europe, studying at Charles University in Prague, now. Indivisible part of the curriculum is represented by the history of Czechoslovak and Czech psychology. In References, the most important publications in the field of history of Czechoslovak and Czech psychology are presented.

Psychology of the Lvov-Warsaw School and the shape of postcommunist Polish psychology (unfinished dialog with Brentanian tradition).

This article presents the development of Polish psychology from the perspective of the most important intellectual formation in Poland-the Lvov-Warsaw School of Kazimierz Twardowski. The representatives of the school played an extraordinary role in the history of Polish psychology in the first half of the 20th century. Unfortunately, this influence was halted by the outbreak of the war in 1939 and by communist oppression and propaganda after the war. After 1989, Polish psychology underwent a deep transformation in the spirit of Western psychology but with no continuation of the most significant achievements of Twardowski's School. Although this process has integrated Polish psychologists into the mainstream of psychology in the world, it has not led to the integration of one of the most original European psychological traditions into world psychology.

Psychology and the fall of Communism: The special case of (East) Germany.

The fall of Communism is now universally agreed to be what the philosopher Hegel called a world historical event-one that few predicted but nearly everyone saw as inevitable after it happened. In the aftermath many lives-and worldviews-changed, not only, but also in the human sciences. These remarks attempt to address in a preliminary way both the impact of the fall of Communism on psychology in former East Germany (including changes in personnel and approach) and the ways in which these sciences were employed as resources for reflection on the Communist past as well as the transition to new social and political regimes.

A relação entre arte e vida em vigotski: uma análise conceitual / The relationship between art and life in vygotsky: a conceptual analysis / La relación entre arte y vida en vigotski: un análisis conceptual

Este trabalho teve como objetivo analisar a relação entre arte e vida segundo Vigotski. Para isso, foi realizada uma análise conceitual dos capítulos 1, 7, 9, 10 e 11 da Psicologia da Arte, do capítulo 13 da Psicologia Pedagógica e do texto O significado histórico da crise da Psicologia: Uma investigação metodológica. A pesquisa conceitual consiste na análise semântica dos principais conceitos de uma teoria com o intuito de elucidar seus sentidos ocultos ou confusos e desvendar possíveis contradições e ambiguidades no quadro teórico. Podemos observar que a arte é um fenômeno dialético tanto em sua criação como em seus efeitos. A influência da vida, isto é, da realidade sócio-histórica, na criação artística é indireta, pois ela é sempre mediada pelo psiquismo particular do artista. Já o efeito da arte sobre a vida possibilita que o ser humano se conscientize de sua realidade social e se engaje para mudá-la. A arte é, portanto, transformadora, pois reorganiza o psiquismo e possibilita uma mudança nas condições materiais dos seres humanos.(AU)

This study aims to analyze the relationship between art and life according to Vygotsky. Therefore, a conceptual analysis of chapters 1, 7, 9, 10, and 11 of Psychology of Art, chapter 13 of Educational Psychology and the text The Historical meaning of the Crisis of Psychology: A Methodological Investigation was carried out. Conceptual research consists of the semantic analysis of the main concepts of a theory to elucidate its hidden or confused meanings and to reveal possible contradictions and ambiguities in the theoretical framework. Results show that art is a dialectical phenomenon both in its creation and its effects. The influence of life, that is, of socio-historical reality, on artistic creation is indirect since it is always mediated by the artist's particular psyche. The effect of art on life, on the other hand, allows human beings to become aware of their social reality and engage to change it. Art is, therefore, transformative, as it reorganizes the psyche and enables a change in the material conditions of human beings.(AU)

Este proyecto tuve como objetivo analizar la relación entre el arte y la vida, según Vigotski. Para esto, fue realizado un análisis de los capítulos 1, 7, 9, 10 y 11 de Psicología del arte, del capítulo 13 de Psicología Pedagógica y del texto Él significado histórico de la crisis de la Psicología: una investigación metodológica. La pesquisa conceptual consiste en la analice semántica de los conceptos de una teoría, para aclarar sus significados ocultos o confusos y desvendar contradicciones y ambigüedades em el cuadro teórico. Pudimos observar que, el arte es un fenómeno dialéctico en su creación tanto como en sus efectos. La influencia de la vida, esto es, de la realidad socio-histórica, en la creación artística es indirecta, pues es mediada por el psiquismo particular de lo artista. Así, el efecto del arte sobre la vida habilita que lo ser humano adquiera conciencia de su realidad social y que se comprometa a cambiarla. El arte, consiguientemente, transformadora, pues reorganiza lo psiquismo y habilita un cambio en las condiciones materiales de los seres humanos.(AU)

Escola sem partido e conservadorismo moral: instrumentalização da religião, sexualidade e gênero / School without party and moral conservatism: the instrumentalization of religion, sexuality and gender / Escuela sin partido y conservadurismo moral: la instrumentalización de la religión, sexualidad y género

Este artigo tem por objetivo identificar e discutir alguns estratagemas psicológicos utilizados por movimentos conservadores e autoritários recentemente difundidos no Brasil - em especial, pelo Movimento Escola sem Partido -, em relação a temas como sexualidade e gênero, que atualmente foram incluídos como essenciais à formação escolar. Com esse propósito, empenhamo-nos em compreender a perspectiva cultural em que se apoiam e o modo como a articulam, ideologicamente, para inviabilizar o debate sobre eles. A partir da análise dos Projetos de Lei 246/2019 e 1859/2015, identificamos estratégias conservadoras que, autoritariamente, deslegitimam sua inclusão na formação escolar. Dentre elas, pareceu-nos urgente investigar a instrumentalização da religião, pois favorece a subordinação da crença religiosa, sobretudo associada ao conservadorismo moral imbricado na tradição cristã brasileira, ao discurso político autoritário. Assim como os movimentos fascistas que, nos Estados Unidos da década de 1930, reivindicavam um ordenamento autoritário e opressor da sociedade por meio do apelo a conteúdos religiosos instrumentalizados para esse fim, atualmente, o discurso religioso também é utilizado como forma de suscitar adesão ao conservadorismo social e político e de justificar preconceitos arraigados. Constatamos que a instrumentalização da religião é uma forma de justificar a permanência de valores conservadores na escola e na sociedade, bem como de reiterar o modelo de família heterossexual monogâmica e a ordem patriarcal. Por meio de estratagemas como esses, os movimentos conservadores e autoritários, articulados em função da negação da diversidade sexual e de gênero, impedem que a escola se constitua como espaço democrático e diverso.(AU)

This paper identifies and discusses the psychological ploys employed by recent conservative and authoritarian movements in Brazil, particularly the School without Party movement, against topics like sexuality and gender, which are currently included as essential to school education. To do so, we sought to understand their cultural basis and how they are ideologically articulated to prevent school debate around these topics. By analyzing Bills 246/2019 and 1859/2015, we identified some conservative strategies that authoritatively delegitimize their inclusion in school education. Chief among them is the instrumentalization of religion, since it favors subordinating religious belief, mainly associated with traditional Christian moral conservatism, to authoritarian political discourse. Similar to the fascist movements in the 1930s United States that claimed an authoritarian and oppressive ordering of society by appealing to religious content, religious speech is currently instrumentalized to encourage social and political conservatism adherence and to justify deep-seated prejudices. Religion instrumentalization is used to justify upholding conservative values at school and in society, as well as to reiterate the monogamous heterosexual family model and patriarchy. Through such ploys, authoritarian and conservative movements, articulated around denying sexual and gender diversity, prevent the school from becoming a democratic and diverse environment.(AU)

Este artículo tiene por objetivo identificar y discutir algunas de las estratagemas psicológicas que utilizan los movimientos conservadores y autoritarios, difundidas recientemente en Brasil, en particular por el Movimiento Escuela sin Partido, con relación a temas como sexualidad y género, que actualmente se incluyeron en la formación escolar. Con este propósito, se pretende comprender la base cultural en la que se han apoyado y cómo la articulan ideológicamente para hacer inviable el debate sobre ellas. A partir de análisis de los Proyectos de Ley 246/2019 y 1859/2015, se identificaron estrategias conservadoras que, autoritariamente, deslegitiman la inclusión de estos temas en la formación escolar. Entre ellas, parece urgente analizar la instrumentalización de la religión, porque favorece la subordinación de la creencia religiosa al discurso político autoritario, sobre todo asociada al conservadurismo moral presente en las vertientes del cristianismo brasileño. Al igual que los movimientos fascistas en los Estados Unidos en los años 1930 que reivindicaban una planificación autoritaria de la sociedad mediante un llamado a contenidos religiosos instrumentalizados, actualmente se utiliza el discurso religioso como forma de promover la adhesión al conservadurismo social y político y de justificar los prejuicios. Se constata que la instrumentalización de la religión es un modo de justificar la permanencia de valores conservadores en la escuela, así como de confirmar el modelo de familia heterosexual monógama y el orden patriarcal. Estos estratagemas que son utilizados por los movimientos conservadores y autoritarios, articulados en función de la negación de la diversidad sexual y de género, impiden que la escuela sea democrática y diversa.(AU)

La recepción del freudomarxismo en la España del tardofranquismo y de la Transición, 1975-1978 / The reception of Freudo-Marxism in the Spain of late Francoism and the Transition, 1975-1978

Resumen Nuestro objetivo es mostrar el arraigo que tuvo el freudomarxismo, como forma específica de contacto entre marxismo y psicoanálisis, en la España del franquismo tardío y de la Transición (1975-1978). Analizamos la pertinencia del término "freudomarxismo", sus diferencias con un psicoanálisis militante argentino influyente en corrientes sociales del psicoanálisis en España, y la revisión histórica del movimiento que realiza una figura relevante para la psicología española como es Antonio Caparrós i Benedicto. Finalmente abordamos la acogida relativa de la obra de Wilhelm Reich a través del esfuerzo de difusión de Ramón García y de la figura de Carlos Frigola, aprendiz de Eva Reich y creador de la Fundación Reich.

Abstract Our objective is to show the roots of Freudo-Marxism as a specific form of contact between Marxism and psychoanalysis in the Spain of late Francoism and the Transition (1975-1978). We analyze the relevance of the term "Freudo-Marxism", its differences with Argentine militant psychoanalysis influential in social currents of psychoanalysis in Spain, and the historical review of the movement carried out by a relevant figure for Spanish psychology such as Antonio Caparrós i Benedicto. Finally, we address the relative reception of the work of Wilhelm Reich through the dissemination effort of Ramón García and the figure of Carlos Frigola, Eva Reich's apprentice and creator of the Reich Foundation.

Ideologia, confiança institucional e representações sociais de universitários sobre o cenário político brasileiro de 2016-2017 / Ideology, institutional trust, and social representation of university students about the brazilian political scenery from 2016-2017 / Ideología, confianza institucional y representaciones sociales de universitarios sobre el escenario político brasileño de 2016-2017

O objetivo deste estudo foi testar um modelo teórico-explicativo para as representações sociais sobre o cenário sociopolítico brasileiro de 2017, de acordo com as seguintes relações: as representações seriam influenciadas diretamente pela confiança nas instituições, e essa confiança, determinada pelas simpatias ideológicas. Participaram 164 estudantes universitários - cuja idade média era 24 anos - que responderam a escalas intervalares. Realizaram-se modelagens de equações estruturais para testar o modelo teórico proposto. Os resultados indicaram: adequabilidade do modelo; dois grupos de variáveis apresentando relações positivas entre as variáveis do mesmo grupo e negativas na comparação intergrupos. No primeiro grupo constaram as variáveis: ideias-força de esquerda, confiança nos movimentos sociais, avaliação do governo Dilma e avaliação das políticas de esquerda; no segundo: ideias-força de direita, confiança nas instituições de controle, confiança na mídia, avaliação do governo Temer e avaliação das políticas de esquerda. Concluiu-se que a confiança institucional e a simpatia ideológica ancoravam as representações sociais do cenário brasileiro na população universitária estudada.(AU)

The aim of this study was to test an explanatory theoretical model about the social representations about Brazilian social-political scenario in 2017, based on the following relations: representations were directly influenced by the trust in institutions, and this trust, determined by ideological sympathies. A sample of 164 college students - whose average age was 24 years - answered interval scales. We performed structural equation modeling to test the proposed model. The results indicated: the suitability of the model; two groups of variables presenting positive relations in the in-group comparison and negative relations in the comparisons between groups. The first group showed the variables: Leftist ideas-forces, trust in social movements, evaluation of Dilma's administration, and evaluation of Leftist policies; the second: Rightist ideas-forces, trust in control institutions, trust in the media, evaluation of Temer's administration, and evaluation of Leftist policies. In conclusion, the institutional trust and ideological sympathies anchored the social representations of the Brazilian scenery for the studied university population.(AU)

Este estudio tuvo como objetivo probar un modelo teórico explicativo de las representaciones sociales en el escenario sociopolítico brasileño de 2017 según las siguientes relaciones: las representaciones estarían directamente influenciadas por la confianza en las instituciones, y esta confianza, determinada por las simpatías ideológicas. Participaron en este estudio 164 estudiantes universitarios, con edad media de 24 años, quienes respondieron a escalas intervalares. Se llevaron a cabo modelos de ecuaciones estructurales para probar el modelo teórico propuesto. Los resultados indicaron: adecuación del modelo; dos grupos de variables que presentaban relaciones positivas entre las variables del mismo grupo y negativas en la comparación intergrupal. El primer grupo incluía las variables: ideas-fuerza de la izquierda, confianza en los movimientos sociales, evaluación del gobierno de Dilma y evaluación de las políticas de la izquierda; el segundo: ideas-fuerza de la derecha, confianza en las instituciones de control, confianza en los medios de comunicación, evaluación del gobierno Temer y evaluación de las políticas de la izquierda. Se concluyó que la confianza institucional y la simpatía ideológica funcionaron como fundamentos de las representaciones sociales del escenario político brasileño en la población universitaria estudiada.(AU)